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Here is another article by Xu Wenli. It gives some very helpful background information.
What It Will Take to Transform China
By Xu Wenli
Monday, May 19, 2003; Page A19
The SARS crisis in China shows that economic development alone is not enough to bring democracy to my country.
When the epidemic of severe acute respiratory syndrome hit, the autocratic Chinese Communist Party concealed the origins and extent of the disease for months before it grudgingly gave in to international demands for transparency. And while SARS is a frightening phenomenon, a political system in such a condition that it would hide a dangerous disease from its own people and from the world is far more frightening.
It’s possible, of course, that the SARS outbreak will at last force the government to change some of its policies on free speech, which in turn could lead to wider political reforms. Some even believe that SARS, or a similar unexpected emergency, could lead to the collapse of the party.
But this seems unlikely. I do not believe that regime change will be sudden in China, nor should it — much as I would like to see a weakening of the Communist Party’s hold on the country. China has had sudden and violent regime change twice in the past 100 years — one revolution to create a republic, another to create a communist state. In both instances, the wrenching change only created the conditions for autocratic, undemocratic political systems and for endless bloodshed.
Democracy in China requires the establishment of a firm foundation, which can happen only under stable conditions. I believe that we should work toward the development of conditions favorable to the gradual establishment of democracy in China by building a foundation for change. Although China has made dramatic economic progress in recent years, the average person still has no power to choose his or her leaders, journalists are still not free to express their own views and opinions, voting freedom remains nonexistent, and the Communist Party retains full control over the government.
Those who want to establish opposing political powers or to express political opinions different from those of the party are likely to be imprisoned. Institutional change on its own is not enough to stimulate greater democracy in China. Democracy will work only when institutional change is combined with a change in our way of life.
Two principles are fundamental: respect for individual rights (including the protection of private property) and individual and economic independence. The absence of these principles forms the base of dictatorship.
To be sure, economic reform in China has moved the country toward a market economy in which both producer and consumer have the freedom to make decisions. And it has brought a rise in living standards, which can also contribute to personal freedom.
But it remains true that just about everyone, including professors and journalists, is paid by and receives housing from the government. Most property is still channeled through the government, which then “gives” the people what they need. Because individuals can have no economic independence from the government, it is very difficult for them to speak out against it.
I have fought for democracy in China for more than 20 years. In 1980, I actually discussed with several of my colleagues the possibility of multiple opposition parties in China. The party moved quickly to stamp out this sort of dangerous talk, and I ended up spending 12 years in prison for it.
Beginning in late 1997, I became engaged in a new effort to foster the creation of a public opposition party — an effort that was indirect and gradualist. Our primary modes of spreading information were faxes and interviews, but we also began to take advantage of the newly introduced Internet. We called our project the “virtual democracy wall.” Although we didn’t have a party, we established a network throughout the nation. Nearly every day we published articles expressing our political opinions.
I felt that if we went any further — that is, actually established a party — the government would ban all our activities. I thought that the existence of this network was more important than going forward at that point. Many younger activists disagreed. They wanted to act to establish an opposition party. Fearful that these young people would be lost to the movement, I decided to establish a democracy party in November 1998 — at which point I was immediately arrested again.
I was released last year and am now in America. Today the Chinese Democracy Party has no organized leadership, and a sizable part of the population does not even know it exists. It receives most of its support from a handful of scholars, and it lacks sufficient structure.
It is clear China has a long way to go before it will have a strong, effective opposition party. But I remain confident that with patience and perseverance, tolerance and mutual respect among people, and the gradual building of a democratic consciousness in the Chinese people, it can be achieved.
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I am glad you are putting these articles on your blog. It gives your readers more understanding of the Chinese government and its affects from a personal point of view. I am learning a lot!